"This country without slave labor would be completely worthless. We can only live & exist by that species of labor: and hence I am willing to fight to the last." [William Nugent, 28th Mississippi, to Eleanor Nugent, 7 Sep 1863]

"The [Emancipation] Proclamation is worth three hundred thousand soldiers to our Government at least. It shows exactly what this war was brought about for and the intention of its ****able authors." [Henry L. Stone, a sergeant with Morgan's cavalry, to his father, 13 Feb 1863]

"After Lincoln's [Emancipation] Proclamation any man that would not fight to the last should be hung as high as Haman." [John Welsh, 27th Virginia, to his mother and his wife, 26 Jan 1863]

"I never want to see the day when a negro is put on an equality with a white person. There is too many free ni**ers . . . now to suit me, let alone having four millions." [George Hamill Diary, March, 1862]

The son of a North Carolina dirt farmer said he would never stop fighting the Yankees "trying to force us to live as the colored race." [Samuel Walsh to Louisa Proffitt, 11 Apr 1864]

"Some of the boys asked them [Confederate prisoners] what they were fighting for, and they answered, 'You Yanks want us to marry our daughters to the ni**ers.' " [Chancey Cook, 25th Wisconsin, to his parents, 10 May 1864]

"[If the Yankees won, my] sister, wife, and mother are to be given up to the embraces of their present dusky male servitors." [Thomas Key of Arkansas, Diary Entry, 10 Apr 1864]

"[Lincoln not only wants to free the slaves but also] declares them entitled to all the rights and privileges as American citizens. So imagine your sweet little girls in the school room with a black wolly headed negro and
have to treat them as their equal." [William W. Garner to Henrietta Garner, 2 Jan 1864]

"[If Atlanta and Richmond fall] we are irrevocably lost and not only will the negroes be free but . . . we will all be on a common level. . . . The negro who now waits on you will then be as free as you are & as insolent as she is ignorant." [Allen D. Candler to his wife, 7 July 1864]

"The South had always been solid for slavery and when the quarrel about it resulted in a conflict of arms, those who had approved the policy of disunion took the pro-slavery side. It was perfectly logical to fight for slavery, if it was right to own slaves." [John S. Mosby, _Mosby's Memoirs,_ p. 20]

John Townsend, "The Doom of Slavery in the Union: Its Safety Out of It," a speech delivered 29 Oct 1860 at The Edisto Island Vigilant Association, in South Carolina: "I call upon you then, men of the South, (not the poltroons of the South) true men of the South, (not traitors of the South), to rally to the rescue of your cherished, native land. Suffer not the counsels of the submissionist to prevail. Honor and duty call upon you for resistance,-undying resistance,-to defend your country against the ready purposes of her enemies [abolition of slavery]."

It is upon this gigantic interest, this peculiar institution of the South, that the Northern States and their people have been waging an unrelenting and fanatical war for the last quarter of a century. An institution with which is bound up, not only the wealth and prosperity of the Southern people, but their very existence as a political community. . . . Shall we wait until our enemies shall possess themselves of all the powers of the Government? until Abolition Judges are on the Supreme Court bench, Abolition Collectors at every port, and Abolition Postmasters in every town, secret mail agents traversing the whole land, and a subsidized Press established in our midst to demoralize the people? Will we be stronger then, or better prepared to meet the struggle, if a struggle must come? No, verily!" [Letter of Stephen F. Hale to Gov. Magoffin of Kentucky, 27 Dec 1860]

“At a meeting of Louisiana students attending the University of North Carolina, nineteen-year-old Thomas Davidson recorded the proceedings. The Louisianans accused ‘fanatics of the North’ of robbing ‘the South of her most cherished liberties,’ and pledged their lives to the protection of slavery, ‘that Institution at once our pride and the source of all our wealth and prosperity.’”� [Resolutions of Louisiana students at the University of North Carolina, 1861. The undated resolutions followed Louisiana’s seizure of forts on 26 Jan 1861. Quoted in Chandra Manning, What This Cruel War Was Over: Soldiers, Slavery, and the Civil War, p. 19] “Thomas Davidson served the Confederacy as a private in the Nineteenth Louisiana Infantry until he was killed at Atlanta.”� [Ibid., p. 21]

“As one Virginia private put it, ‘the poisonous germ which must have sooner or later brought about a conflict between the two sections of the United States’ was Northerners’ apparent determination to bar ‘slaveholders from introducing slavery’ into the territories.”� [Pvt. John Lyon Hill, Churchville Cavalry (Later Va. Cavalry), diary, 9 Aug 1861, Camp Alleghany, Va., quoted in Manning, Op. Cit., pp. 21-22]

“As Rufus Carter put it, when northern ‘fanatics’ like Lincoln ‘misinterpreted and “perverted’ the Constitution to bar slavery from the western territories, they relieved white Southerners of all obligations of loyalty, and licensed the southern states to frame a new government ‘suited to themselves,’ even if doing so precipitated war.”� [Lt Rufus Carter, 19th LA, to cousin, 26 Jun 1861, quoted in Manning, Op. Cit., p. 24]

“Shared belief in the dangers of abolition powerfully united Confederate soldiers and motivated them to fight, even when they shared little else. An urbane young lawyer and son of a wealthy South Carolina plantation owner recognized the unifying potential of perceived threats to slavery when he urged ‘the whole South to make common cause against the hordes of abolitionists who are swarming southwards.”� [Lt Christopher Winsmith, 1st SC, to mother, 24 Apr 1861, quoted in Manning, Op. Cit., p. 31]

c-“When discussing reasons for the conflict, a Georgia regimental newspaper, The Spirit of ‘61, pointed to personal liberty laws, ‘those grievous enactments of some of the free state legislatures in regard to fugitive slaves,’ as evidence that Northerners were ‘black hearted abolitionists’ who must be opposed before they crushed slavery.”� [_The Spirit of ‘61,_ the camp paper of the 18th Georgia, 25 Dec 1861, quoted in Manning, Op. Cit., p. 32]

“Confound the whole set of Psalm singing ‘brethren’ and ‘sistern’ too. If it had not been for them preaching abolitionism from every northern pulpit, I would never have been soldiering.”� [Pvt. James Williams, 21st AL, to wife, 20 Dec 1861]

South Carolina soldier Chesley Herbert summed up many white Southerners’ conflation of abolitionism with general moral decay when he dismissed Northerners everywhere and unionists in border states as ‘abolitionist and any other sort of an ‘ist’ that is not good.’”� [Lt. Chesley Herbert, 3rd SC, to wife, 3 Jul 1861, quoted in Manning, Op. Cit., pp. 34-35]

“Georgia soldier A. H. Mitchell, for one, linked abolitionism in the North to other moral pathologies like ‘spiritualism and free love.’”� [Georgia soldier A. H. Mitchell to father, 17 May 1861, quoted in Manning, Op. Cit., p. 35]

“Where the two races approximate equality in numbers, slavery is the only protection of the laboring classes against the evils of amalgamation."“� [“The Irrepressible Conflict,”� Richmond Enquirer, 2 Oct 1860]

“One Georgia recruit fretted about rumors that slaves who thought the war meant freedom were already discussing ‘whom they would make their wives among the young [white] ladies.’”� [Thomas, private in a Ga. Regiment, to mother, 10 May 1861, quoted in Manning, Op. Cit., p. 36]

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